記者陶本和／夏威夷報導
總統蔡英文出訪南太平洋友邦「海洋民主之旅」，過境美國夏威夷，台北時間28日凌晨，她以視訊會議方式參與美國華府智庫「傳統基金會」的印太夥伴關係研討會、發表演說。據了解，參議院亞太小組主席賈德納（Cory Gardner, R-CO）本來有重要公聽會，但仍堅持參與論壇，以行動力挺。
蔡英文上午以視訊方式參與華府智庫的論壇，會議由傳統基金會創辦人佛納（Ed Feulner）主持，會議首先由基金會現任會長Kay Coles James致詞並介紹總統，同日將出席重要國會聽證會（國務卿出席）的參議院亞太小組主席賈德納（Cory Gardner, R-CO）也將與等多位美方政要智庫代表也將出席參與，其中包括：哈德遜研究所所長Ken Weinstein、美台商業協會會長韓儒伯 Rupert Hammond-Chambers）、美國企業研究所亞洲研究主任卜大年 Dan Blumenthal等人。
據了解，賈德納在論壇期間，本來在參院有重要的聽證會，且是國務卿蓬佩奧（Mike Pampeo）的聽證會，但還是堅持撥空參與該項論壇。
▼總統蔡英文28日以視訊方式參與華府智庫「傳統基金會」（The Heritage Foundation）就「台灣與美國：印太區域中之持久夥伴關係」為題在華府舉辦的論壇。（圖／記者陶本和攝，下同）
蔡英文演說全文：
Thank you President James for your invitation and the warm introduction. And thank you to the team at Heritage, including my long-term friend Ed Feulner for holding this event. I see that Congressman Lester Wolff, a great author of the Taiwan Relations Act, is also in the audience.
Good afternoon to you all, as well as the members of the audience and media with us today.
Now, it is wonderful to be here at the Heritage Foundation, an institution that is not only at the center of politics in Washington, DC, but also instrumental to many of the policy questions that are shaping our world today. I’m joining all of you from sunny Hawaii, which being at the center of the Indo-Pacific region, could not be a more fitting location for the theme of today’s event.
My transit here is the final stop of a weeklong trip that has taken me to three of Taiwan’s Pacific allies – Palau, Nauru, and the Marshall Islands.
I was honored to join the President of the Marshall Islands, Hilda Heine, at the first Pacific Women Leaders’ Coalition Conference. At the conference, as part of our commitment to support women leaders, including in business, we announced a new women’s entrepreneurship fund for the Pacific region.
Taiwan is an integral part of the Pacific, and a proud partner to countries across the region.
The first inhabitants of Taiwan built rafts and canoes to venture from our shores in search of new islands. Today, we see traces of their language, dress, and culture evident from Southeast Asia to the Pacific Islands. The Han Chinese, Dutch, and Spanish later came as settlers and traders, eager to take advantage of Taiwan’s location at the cross-roads between China, Japan, and Southeast Asia.
And even now, in the 21st century, Taiwan is still a country that is very much dependent on the blue waters of the Pacific Ocean, with an economy centred on trade, people that have grown more multicultural, and a society that is increasingly globalized.
The Pacific has much to offer Taiwan. But Taiwan also has much to offer the Pacific. Taiwan is a force for good in the region. We are a democracy, and the only democratic Chinese speaking country in the world, showing, as Vice President Pence said: “a better path forward for all the Chinese people.”
We are proud that freedom and human rights are the basis of our values. And we are determined to take the lead in improving livelihoods across the Pacific. Our technical and medical teams are working tirelessly thousands of miles from home. Our NGOs are striving to be the first responders to natural disasters. And the people of Taiwan are deeply committed to fostering a more peaceful, stable, and prosperous regional environment.
Taiwan is an ideal partner as the United States and other like-minded countries reaffirm their enduring commitment to the region. And today, I want to make clear that we are ready to play our part in ensuring that the Indo-Pacific remains free and open for generations to come.
Our approach to the Indo-Pacific centers on three core principles: democracy, regional prosperity, and collective security.
First, in terms of democracy, recent trends clearly show that like-minded countries must be much more proactive in defending democratic values, both at home and abroad.
As Ronald Reagan told the British Parliament, in defense of democracy during the waning years of the Cold War. He said: “Optimism comes less easily today, not because democracy is less vigorous but because democracy's enemies have refined their instruments of repression. Yet optimism is in order because, day by day, democracy is proving itself to be a not-at-all fragile
flower.”
Today, the introduction of new tools of political and economic subversion, coupled with new forms of media disinformation, have made President Reagan’s remarks truer than ever.
Taiwan is at the forefront of these challenges, which will define whether Taiwan can remain free and democratic, or will bow to the pressures of authoritarianism and control.
As a result, my administration has pledged to be much more forceful in defending Taiwan’s hard won freedoms, and ensuring that our country continues to be a beacon of democracy for the Indo-Pacific. Because we know how important it is for Taiwan to continue being the light that shines directly into some of the darkest corners of the region.
Earlier this month, I laid out a seven-point plan to protect our democracy, the rule of law, and economic vibrancy amid mounting pressure from China to accept a “one country, two systems model.” We are taking a much more aggressive approach to counteract the Chinese government’s infiltration of our society and economy, as well as their interference in our domestic affairs.
We will also be more active in aligning ourselves with other like-minded countries that are facing similar challenges around the world.
Yesterday in Taiwan, we held a regional workshop for “Anti-Corruption in Public and Private Sectors” in Taiwan. This event, part of the Global Cooperation and Training Framework, was notable because for the first time, it was jointly held not only with the United States, but with Japan as well.
Furthermore, last week, Taiwan and the United States announced the establishment of a new annual event called the Indo-Pacific Democratic Governance Consultations. The first meeting in September will leverage our respective strengths and shared values, to help address governance challenges facing countries in the region.
That follows another important milestone from this month, when Taiwan held the first religious freedom dialogue in the Indo-Pacific. We firmly believe in the freedom to worship, without fear or persecution, and this conference was testament to that.
We are also stepping up our engagements in the Pacific islands, where China has engaged in a campaign to increase their influence in the region. We have noted growing awareness of China’s efforts by the United States, Australia, New Zealand, and other responsible stake-holders.
Taiwan is grateful for the United States’ support in keeping our diplomatic alliances. We remain committed to working with like-minded countries to protect the core values of good governance, accountability, and sustainable development in the Pacific.
Second, Taiwan, as a major trading nation, seeks to play a greater role in fostering regional prosperity through trade, investment, and respect for a rules-based economic system.
Over the past three years, we’ve aggressively pursued stronger economic and commercial linkages with South and Southeast Asia under our New Southbound Policy.
In 2018, our bilateral trade with countries under our New Southbound Policy reached 117 billion US dollars, a 6 percent increase from the previous year. In that same period, inbound investment has grown 43 percent and inbound tourism by 14 percent.
In India, we successfully concluded a new Bilateral Investment Agreement in December last year. And in Vietnam, Taiwanese companies are nearing the completion of a new 600 million US dollar petrochemical plant on the outskirts of Ho Chi Minh City.
Our New Southbound Policy has been a success, reconnecting Taiwan with the economic miracles taking place in South and Southeast Asia, the heart of the Indo-Pacific region.
We are also devoting greater efforts to address the infrastructure deficit around the region.
Taiwan was once a major recipient of aid from the United States, which helped us blossom into an economic powerhouse.
Today, we want to use our resources to play a similarly positive and constructive role.
From building new sports stadiums in the Solomon Islands and Palau, to the joint international development of new commercial projects elsewhere in the Pacific, we want to work hand-in-hand to support the national development of our regional partners.
We also seek opportunities to make sustainable investments in infrastructure, energy, digital economy, agriculture, and public health under our 3.5 billion US dollar assistance, that is the Official Development Assistance (ODA) program. And we are partnering with the US Overseas Private Investment Corporation (OPIC), which was featured by President Trump’s BUILD Act, to identify possibilities in the region.
In terms of trade, Taiwan is determined to lead by example. This is important especially because the United States and the European Union are demanding that countries do more to protect trade secrets, intellectual property, and maintain a free and fair trading system.
This year, the Heritage Foundation ranked Taiwan as a top ten country in their Index of Economic Freedom, citing our achievements in enhancing the rule of law, regulatory efficiency, and open markets. I know because Ed personally presented me with a copy in January.
This helps bolster our case as we seek to join high-standard regional trading blocs, such as the CPTPP, that will shape the future of trade in the Indo-Pacific region. As I have mentioned in the past, leaving Taiwan out not only means that a key trading regional partner will be absent. It will also create a gap in the global high-tech supply chain, where Taiwan plays an essential role.
Third, Taiwan is committed to strengthening the sense of collective security across the Indo-Pacific region.
Taiwan continues to face monumental challenges from across the Taiwan Strait. My administration has not wavered in responding in a pragmatic and responsible manner that takes into account our shared interests in the region.
We have continued to seek co-existence instead of confrontation, and reconciliation instead of conflict. We have sought balance in the cross-strait relationship, in terms of our rhetoric and our actions, in order to maintain the status quo underpinning peace and stability in the Taiwan Strait.
But despite our best intentions, China has used every opportunity to alter the status quo. They have continued to undermine our democratic institutions, heighten military tensions, and degrade our international space. This has led to growing distrust by the people of Taiwan, posing an underlying challenge to the future of cross-strait relations.
China’s actions have underscored the need for Taiwan to increase our self-defense and deterrence capabilities. To be clear, we seek peace, not hostility. But we must be capable of defending our freedom, democracy, and way of life. This is my fundamental responsibility as president of the country.
Fortunately, in facing these challenges, Taiwan does not stand alone. The United States commitment to Taiwan is stronger than ever.
We will continue to seek closer partnerships with like-minded countries so that we can fulfil the promise of the Indo-Pacific strategy, that is the idea that by supporting one another, countries can remain free and sovereign, without being subject to coercion.
As a democratic country with a bastion of authoritarianism on our doorstep, we believe that Taiwan’s security is a matter of collective security, and that Taiwan’s future remains closely tied with the future of this region as a whole.
Taiwan’s home is the Indo-Pacific. And our vision for the Indo-Pacific is clear. It is rooted in our shared desire to sustain the rules-based framework that has been at the heart of this region’s prosperity since the Second World War. We believe any effort to change that framework would be a fundamental mistake.
We stand ready, and will work closely with any and all countries that share this view.
Taiwan has a lot to contribute, in terms of advancing democracy, regional prosperity, and collective security.
We will continue to work in the common interests of all like-minded partners in the region. And we are committed to ensuring that the Indo-Pacific remains free and open for generations to come.
Thank you.
中文摘譯
1、 引言：
（1） 感謝「傳統基金會」主辦此次視訊會議，此行訪問帛琉、諾魯及馬紹爾群島，並與海妮（Hilda Heine）總統共同出席首屆「太平洋婦女領袖聯盟大會」，宣布將為太平洋區域成立新的婦女創業基金，展現臺灣支持婦女賦權的決心。
（2） 臺灣是太平洋一環，也是區域國家值得驕傲的夥伴。臺灣居民、語言、文化與東南亞及太平洋島國具有相似之處。時至今日，臺灣仍仰賴太平洋藍海，在經濟上著重貿易，也形成人民的多元文化，以及逐漸全球化的社會。
2、 臺灣與太平洋之緊密關係：
（1） 太平洋與臺灣具互惠互利關係。臺灣是區域一股良善力量，值得驕傲之民主體制，也是華人社會唯一之民主國家，一如美國副總統彭斯（Mike Pence）所言，為全球華人提供一條更佳之道路。
（2） 自由與人權是我價值基礎，臺灣深感自豪。我們也在改善太平洋各國人民生計上扮演領導角色。臺灣人民對促進區域和平、穩定與繁榮具有深切決心，亦是美國及其他理念相近國家的理想夥伴，我國更願在確保未來印太之自由開放上善盡責任。
3、 臺灣對印太地區所採做法，著重民主、區域繁榮與集體安全等三方面。在民主方面涵蓋如下：
（1） 近來的趨勢清楚顯示，理念相近國家當更積極在各地維護民主價值，正如雷根總統在冷戰末期向英國國會演講時所稱：「今日的樂觀得來不易，非因民主不再活躍，而因民主的敵人用以鎮壓民主之工具已更加精良。然而，我們有充分理由保持樂觀，因為日復一日，民主將證明其絕非脆弱的花朵。」今日用來顛覆政經秩序的新工具，以及新形態之假訊息，均證明雷根總統的演講更為真切。
（2） 臺灣站在這些挑戰的最前線，正考驗我國是否能保有自由民主，或受迫屈服於獨裁主義的壓力及控制。我政府承諾將更努力捍衛這份得來不易的自由，並確保我國持續作為印太區域的民主燈塔，臺灣將繼續成為照亮此區域最黑暗角落的一道曙光。
（3） 面對中國逼迫我們接受「一國兩制」模式的巨大壓力，本人稍早曾列出保護臺灣民主、法治與經濟活力的七項指導綱領，我政府將採取更積極的作為來反制中國政府對我社會與經濟的滲透，以及干涉我國內政，同時也將更積極與全球面對相同挑戰的理念相近國家合作因應。
（4） 上週，臺美共同宣布成立「印太民主治理諮商」對話，我們預定將在本年9月舉辦首次會議，將討論如何發揮各自優勢及共享價值，以幫助區域國家面對治理挑戰。本月初，臺灣舉辦印太區域首場宗教自由對話，亦是民主的重要里程碑，因為我們堅信全人類均有免於恐懼及不受迫害的信仰自由。
（5） 臺灣正加強與太平洋島國合作，當中國持續在區域加強影響利時，我們也注意到美國、澳洲、紐西蘭及其他負責任的利害關係者均逐漸體認此一挑戰。臺灣感謝美國支持我維護外交邦誼，臺灣將持續承諾與理念相近國家共同護衛太平洋各國及區域的良善治理、可問責及永續發展的核心價值。
4、 區域繁榮：
（1） 臺灣身為重要貿易國家之一，將透過貿易、投資及尊重「以規範為基礎」（rules-based）的經濟體系，在創造區域繁榮上扮演更積極角色。過去3年來，臺灣在「新南向政策」下，積極尋求與南亞及東南亞國家建立更強勁的經貿關係。2018年，我與「新南向政策」國家雙邊貿易量已達1,170億美元，較上年增加6%，該等國家對我投資額增加43%、來臺旅客也增加14%。
（2） 我國於2018年12月與印度簽署「雙邊投資協定」，我國企業在越南胡志明市周邊投資6億美元石化廠的建設案亦將完工。「新南向政策」已再度成功連結臺灣與南亞及東南亞國家所創造的經濟奇蹟，我政府也將持續致力解決印太區域各國基礎建設不足的問題。
（3） 臺灣曾接受來自美國的援助，幫助我們成為「經濟強國」（economic powerhouse）。今日，臺灣期盼能扮演同樣正面、積極的角色。自索羅門群島及帛琉運動場的興建，到結合國際力量在太平洋其他國家推動商業計畫，臺灣盼與國際夥伴攜手合作推動區域夥伴的國家發展。我們亦尋求機會善用達35億美元的「政府開發援助」（ODA）資金，在基礎建設、能源、數位經濟、農業及公衛領域進行永續投資；我亦與美國「海外私人投資公司」（OPIC）合作，共同在區域內尋求合作機會。
（4） 在貿易方面，美國與歐盟持續要求各國致力保護商業機密、智慧財產權，並維持自由且公平之貿易體系，而臺灣將會扮演領導之典範。本年稍早，臺灣在傳統基金會「經濟自由度」（Index of Economic Freedom）報告挺進全球第十名，該報告也提及臺灣在強化法治、法規效率及促進開放市場的努力。此有助於我國爭取參與如「跨太平洋夥伴全面進步協定」（CPTPP）等高品質的區域貿易協定。排除臺灣參與區域經濟整合，不僅意謂重要區域經貿夥伴的缺席，也將在全球高科技供應鏈造成缺口。
5、 集體安全：
（1） 臺灣致力強化印太區域的集體安全意識，面對來自臺灣海峽對岸的巨大挑戰，我政府始終堅定不移，以務實、負責任的態度因應挑戰，維繫區域的共同利益。我政府持續尋求兩岸共存、而非對抗，尋求和解、而非衝突，臺灣無論在言語或行動上均努力維持兩岸關係平衡，以確保臺海和平與穩定之現狀。
（2） 儘管我們釋出善意，中國仍企圖改變現狀，破壞臺灣民主體制、升高軍事緊張情勢，並限縮我國際空間，使臺灣人民無法信任中國，也為兩岸關係帶來更多挑戰。中國的舉止使臺灣更有必要強化自衛及嚇阻能力。我們追求和平，而非敵意，然而我國必須有足夠能力保衛自由、民主及臺灣人民的生活方式，這是本人作為總統的基本責任。所幸臺灣並非獨自面對此等挑戰，美國對臺承諾更勝以往。未來臺灣將持續與理念相近國家建立更緊密之夥伴關係，以實踐各國相互支持，共同維護自由、主權，並免於威脅的印太戰略願景。
6、 結語
（1） 作為抵禦極權主義的民主堡壘，我們相信臺灣安全關乎集體安全，臺灣的未來與整個區域的未來緊密相連。臺灣家園位於印太區域，我們具有清晰的印太願景，即基於區域各國的共同期盼，維護以「規範為基礎」的架構，並以此核心持續促進區域的繁榮。我們深信任何欲改變此架構的企圖，將是根本性的錯誤。臺灣已做好準備，並將與共享此願景的各國密切合作。
（2） 臺灣在推動民主、區域繁榮及集體安全各方面，均可做出許多貢獻。我國將與所有理念相近夥伴在共享利益下持續努力與合作，臺灣承諾為未來各世代確保印太區域的自由與開放。
讀者迴響